пятница, 22 мая 2020 г.

News update 22/05/2020 (6701)



It took time for the Scottish educators to get rid of the fear of the market element. Their new generation, which entered its maturity towards the end of the 18th century, no longer relied on the support of the government or parliament. For them, a model of civic behavior was a specialist in some area of ​​professional activity, whose knowledge and diligence brought tangible benefits to society.

Socio-political life of France in the XVIII century. characterized by great inertia of habits and traditions inherited from the feudal past. Influential social strata resisted the new trends that the Enlightenment brought with it. In the fight against him, the enlighteners could not fully rely either on public opinion, which was not yet fully formed, or on the government, which sometimes treated them with undisguised hostility. Therefore, in France, the enlighteners did not have such influence in society as in England and Scotland, where the goals and ideals of the Enlightenment became the flesh and blood of national culture. In France, the lot of the Enlightenment was a kind of "departure", which gave rise to political radicalism and messianic moods among them.

Most of the prominent figures of the French enlightenment movement were persecuted for their beliefs. Denis Diderot was imprisoned in the Château de Vincennes, Voltaire (real name - Francois Marie Arouet) - in the Bastille. Claude Helvetius, because of the attacks, was forced to recant his book On the Mind. For censorship reasons, the printing of the famous Encyclopedia, which was published in separate volumes during 1751-1772, was interrupted more than once. All this forced the enlighteners to clothe their thoughts in the shell of abstract theories, inaccessible to the understanding of the general public.

The French Enlightenment was strongly influenced by aristocratic culture. This was manifested in the refinement and sophistication of the literary works that made up his fame. From the aristocracy, the enlighteners also borrowed the salon form of communication. The atmosphere of selectivity that reigned in the salons increased the tendency of the French Enlightenment to abstract theorizing.
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The French Enlightenment largely came from the ideas of the philosophers of the 17th century. Rene Descartes and Locke. According to the rationalistic method of cognition developed by Descartes, the truth must be clearly and clearly perceived by the human mind. Many followers in France found Locke's doctrine of society and the state.

Constant conflicts with the authorities created the reputation of the French enlighteners as shakers of the foundations and radicals. In fact, in their constitutional views, many of them did not go beyond the principles of the English Enlightenment. Following Locke, the idea of ​​separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial was developed by Charles Montesquieu. At the same time, he advocated not just the delimitation of functions between state authorities, but the separation of powers as political forces, each of which could actually serve as a counterbalance to the other. It is difficult to recognize Montesquieu as a radical also because he felt the limits within which it is only possible to change society and the state. He believed that the “spirit of the laws” of a particular nation is determined by a set of objective prerequisites: climate, soil nature, territory size, landscape, people’s way of life, religion, population, forms of economic activity, etc.

The same applies to the noisy conflicts of the enlighteners with the Catholic Church. Its ideological rigidity, which did not allow deviation from the dogmas of the dogma, excluded the possibility of a compromise, like the one that developed between the Anglican Church and the Enlightenment in England. Under these conditions, the recognition of the fact of the Divine creation of the world, characteristic of most enlighteners, acquired an anti-church shade, and criticism of religious dogmas, even the most moderate, became an aura of desperate courage. As you know, Voltaire, referring to the church, often ended his letters to friends with the call: "Crush the vermin!" But the same Voltaire argued that religion is necessary as a pillar of morality: "Faith in God, who rewards good deeds and punishes bad deeds, and also forgives small offenses, is the most useful faith for the human race."
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Decades of fruitless opposition caused deep disappointment among the Enlightenment. Among them, the desire for a reassessment of values ​​intensified, which led to a deep division in their ranks. Some of the educators retained hopes for cooperation with the authorities in solving specific problems of governing the country. Among them stood out a group of physiocratic economists (from the Greek words "fi-sis" - nature and "kratos" - power), headed by Francois Quesnay. He believed that the land is the only source of wealth and only agriculture multiplies it. Therefore, he advocated the encouragement of the agricultural class, especially the wealthy farmers. “Villages should be attracted not so much people as wealth” (i.e. capital), Quesnay emphasized. He also sought to reform the tax system, which was a heavy burden on manufacturers. He also connected his hopes for the rise of agriculture with the freedom of domestic and foreign trade.

Another representative of the Physiocratic school, Anne Robert Turgot, attempted to carry out this reform program. In 1774, the young King Louis XVI appointed him Controller General (Minister) of Finance. Turgot introduced free trade in bread and flour, achieved the abolition of medieval workshops and guilds, and embarked on a radical reform of taxation. But the resistance of the court circles, the nobility and the guild elite nullified all his efforts. The resignation of Turgot in 1776 sealed the fate of his reforms.

The consciousness of the unattainability of the goals of the Enlightenment within the framework of the existing system prompted many enlighteners to withdraw into irreconcilable opposition. Their protest sometimes took the form of atheism, sharp criticism of religion and the church, characteristic of a galaxy of materialist philosophers of the middle of the century: Diderot, Paul Holbach, Helvetius, etc. Sometimes it manifested itself in the idealization of the past, for example, the republican system of ancient states. Jean-Jacques Rousseau contrasted their direct democracy with all forms of representative government, including English parliamentarism. “Any law,” he wrote in his treatise “On the Social Contract,” “if the people did not directly approve it themselves, is invalid ... The English people consider themselves free: they are cruelly mistaken. He is free only during the election of members of parliament: as soon as they are elected, he is a slave, he is nothing ... In ancient republics and even in monarchies, the people never had representatives; the word itself was unknown.

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