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воскресенье, 19 апреля 2020 г.

News 18/04/2020 (2389)

All this determined the ambivalent attitude of advanced people to what happened in Italy. The ideas of the French Revolution brought to the country made an internal shift in it. But the French empire threatened to bury the idea of national revival. Therefore, from 1805, new secret societies began to emerge in Italy, which opposed Napoleonic domination, but for the preservation of the new legislation. In the North it was the "Society of Adelphi" (brothers), in the South - the "Society of Carbonari" (coal miners). Colliers called themselves members of the Masonic fraternity in the south of France, who gathered in abandoned coal mines. Societies arose according to the type of Masonic lodges and at first preached the ideas of early Christianity, but gradually acquired a revolutionary character. They were divided into sections - vents (cells in a certain territory). The vents were subordinate to the "maternal vents", and those - to the "high vents". From the Spanish revolutionaries, the Carbonari borrowed catechisms - codes of rules for their activities. The Spanish constitution of 1812, also adopted in the wake of the struggle against Napoleon, was of great attraction for the secret societies of Italy. After the defeat of Napoleon in Russia and the expulsion of his troops from Spain, there was hope that the British would come from Sicily and secure independence from both France and Austria by upholding a constitution similar to that of Spain.

The tactics of the Carbonari and Adelphs was the organization of uprisings in the army units. The first uprising was organized in September 1813 in Calabria, but it was immediately suppressed. The subsequent disparate performances were not crowned with success either. In the meantime, the Congress of Vienna again gave the north of Italy under the rule of Austria. The Neapolitan king Murat, who at first declared loyalty to the victors of Napoleon, during the "Hundred Days" again spoke on his side. Under this pretext, the Austrians also invaded southern Italy and restored the power of the Bourbon dynasty there. The Papal States, the Duchies of Tuscany, Modena, Parma and Lucca, and the Kingdom of Sardinia were restored, to which the former Republic of Genoa was annexed. In essence, the orders of the 17th century were restored. in an even worse way.

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Secret societies went into the deepest underground and were strictly conspiratorial. Gradually, they began to expand their activities again. All of them advocated the elimination of foreign presence and the constitution. Many revolutionaries sought to unite the country, but some advocated only a federation of Italian independent states. It was even allowed to preserve the secular power of the Pope in the area of Rome. As before, the program to improve the condition of the peasants was vague and partial. Only the "Society of highly worthy masters", created in Alessandria (Piedmont) under the influence of French utopian socialism, had the slogan "Let differences be destroyed" (property) as a "creed" of its highest venta. The members of the vent were not supposed to even know about each other at that time, receiving orders from above. The movement of the Carbonari was still most significant in the most backward South, where the discontent of the people was stronger.

The revolution in January 1820 in Spain, which opened a rebellious wave in the south of Europe, again inspired the Carbonari. At the head of their conspiracy was Gul-ermo Pepe, a former officer of Murat. He was preparing a plan for an uprising in the Kingdom of Naples. On the night of July 2, 1820, 127 soldiers and junior officers were raised in the city of Nola. The uprising was led by a priest, the head of the local Venta, Luigi Minikini. Everything that followed unfolded as a bright, spectacular Italian spectacle. With cries of “Hurrah, bolder, citizens! Long live freedom and constitution!” the rebels marched through small towns and entered the city of Avellino with the support of the people, increasing their ranks. The rebels took the road to Naples. Other Carbonari venti, warned in the way of ancient Roman times - by fires on the tops of the mountains, also raised uprisings - Naples was cut off from the province, and on the night of July 6, Pepe stepped out in it, followed by two cavalry regiments. Pepe connected with the detachments at Avellino and took command of all the forces of the rebels. Frightened, King Ferdinand promised to give a constitution in eight days. On July 9, the rebels solemnly entered Naples, and four days later the Spanish constitution of 1812 was adopted in the kingdom. The new government was made up of Murat's nominees. Not a single drop of blood was shed! The Austrian ambassador reported to Metternich: “We must agree that constitutional ideas dominate and take root in the nation. The clergy, the nobility, the military, the bourgeoisie, and especially the court employees are imbued with them ... "

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However, after the victory of the revolution, Carbonari society turned into an organization that everyone who wanted to join joined. The parliament elected by October, dominated by representatives of the bourgeoisie, was in no hurry with any reforms, and the troops were mainly sent to Sicily, where the local barons took advantage of the uprising in Palermo, demanding the independence of the island. The Austrian authorities called for the intervention of the countries of the "Holy Alliance" in Naples. At the congress in Troppau they were supported by Russia and Prussia. Ferdinand strove to escape from Naples. In January 1821, with the consent of the parliament, he went to the congress in Laibach and on the way declared that the constitution was imposed on him and he demanded Austrian intervention. And she started. In February, the Austrians crossed the Po River. The people no longer ardently supported the Carbonari, who did not solve the agrarian question. Before the arrival of the Austrians, Peene tried to raise the Papal States against them, moved there, was attacked and retreated. On March 23, the invaders entered Naples. Parliament was dissolved.

At the same time, a revolutionary conspiracy was drawn up in Piedmont. The Adelphis and the federalists counted on the liberal-minded crown prince Charles Albert to come to power. On the evening of January 11, two students came to the theater in red berets and were arrested. Student unrest began, which were used by the conspirators. In Alessandria and Turin in March, regiments raised by members of secret societies hoisted tricolor flags of supporters of Italian unity over the fortresses. After the abdication of the throne of the king, the heir swore allegiance to the Spanish constitution, but behind his back the courtiers were already negotiating with the "Holy Alliance". The revolutionary troops were defeated at Novara, and in Genoa the people themselves demanded the return of the royal governor. ..

The rebels fled from Italy.

Soon the carbonari vents were opened in other regions of Italy (read Stendhal's novel "Vanina Vanini"). Many revolutionaries were convicted, some were executed. Too limited, albeit selfless, the Carbonari movement was defeated. The Risord Gimento movement - for the unification and liberation of Italy - was continued by other people.

The movement of the Carbonari also echoed in Russia. "Oh my God, he's carbonari!" - says in Griboedov's comedy "Woe from Wit" Famusov about Chatsky. This word has become a symbol of freethinking.

суббота, 18 апреля 2020 г.

Russian columns (15/04/2020)

The Paris Commune of 1871 is an uprising on the basis of hunger and deprivation experienced by the population of the French capital during the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. - in Marxist literature is traditionally regarded as the first socialist revolution in world history, the prototype of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Paris Commune completed the cycle of revolutions and uprisings - democratic in purpose, romantic in spirit - that periodically shook France during the first and second thirds of the 19th century. Its leaders were people who sincerely believed that at the cost of heroic efforts it was possible to establish on earth the kingdom of freedom and justice in one fell swoop. For the most part, they considered themselves the successors of the cause of their great predecessors, the revolutionaries of the late 18th and first half of the 19th centuries. Hence the names of the main parties of the Paris Commune: the Jacobins (also called Neo-Jacobins to emphasize their difference from the contemporaries of Robespierre and Danton) and the Blanquists (after the name of the socialist Auguste Blanqui).

What distinguished the Paris Commune from previous revolutionary uprisings was that it was largely conditioned by the contradictions of capitalism. It was preceded by years of unprecedented economic growth and prosperity in the history of France, which, however, had a shadow side. The broad deployment of the industrial revolution, the acceleration of the pace of industrialization led to the impoverishment of a significant layer of small proprietors. They went to work in factories and plants, where working conditions remained extremely difficult, and wages were miserable. After all, machine production instantly devalued the qualifications, experience and abilities of tens of thousands of artisans, manufacturing workers. In factories and factories, the use of low-paid labor of children and women has become widespread. The hatred for the exploiters that had accumulated among the destitute masses threatened to break out sooner or later.

However, had it not been for the Franco-Prussian war, the class struggle in France would hardly have developed into a bloody civil strife.

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The cause of the war between France and Prussia was their rivalry for hegemony in Central Europe. France was afraid of the strengthening of Prussia and hoped to prevent the unification of German lands under its leadership. Napoleon III declared war on Prussia on July 17, 1870, and already in early August, the Prussian and allied troops of other German states invaded France and surrounded the main enemy forces in the cities of Metz and Sedan. On September 2, they forced the capitulation of the sedan grouping of French troops, in which Napoleon S.

The news of the captivity of the emperor shook Paris. On September 4, crowds of people filled the streets of the capital. At their request, France was proclaimed a republic. Power passed to the Provisional Government of National Defense, which represented a broad bloc of political forces in opposition to the Empire, from monarchists to radical republicans. It did not think about continuing the aggressive war and offered Prussia a truce, counting on the conclusion of an honorable peace in the future. In response, Prussia made frankly predatory demands.

The republicans who came to power in France considered it dishonorable to accept the Prussian terms. They feared that the republic would be suspected of betraying national interests, while even during the revolution of the late 18th century. it earned a reputation as a patriotic regime, unlike, for example, the Bourbon monarchy (1814-1830), which was imposed on the French people by foreign interventionists. But the scale of the losses suffered by France in this war did not leave hope for an early victory. On September 16, Prussian troops appeared in the vicinity of Paris and three days later completely blocked it. Within a short time, they occupied the entire north-east of France, and on October 27 they accepted the surrender of the last major grouping of French troops in Metz. For some time, France remained defenseless against the enemy. The frantic efforts of the government to rebuild military power did not bring tangible results until the end of 1870, when the Army of the Loire was deployed south of Paris.

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It remained possible to call on France for a popular war of liberation, as the revolutionaries of 1792 did in a similar situation. Democratic forces also encouraged this, both radical republicans like Gambetta, who held the post of Minister of the Interior in the government, and socialists who enjoyed influence among the worker. population of large cities. However, the fear of the threat of the national liberation war escalating into a civil one (which, by the way, happened in 1792-1793) kept the government from taking such a step. It came to the conclusion that the conclusion of peace was inevitable on the terms offered by Prussia, but was waiting for this favorable moment, but for now it was imitating national defense.

The prolongation of the war put Paris in a difficult position. Its garrison numbered up to half a million armed men, mostly soldiers of the National Guard, which consisted of men of non-military ages. Poorly trained and not particularly disciplined, they would hardly have been able to withstand the enemy's regular army in an open field, but, protecting the houses and streets of their native city, they represented a serious force. Therefore, the Prussian troops, in a swift throw approached

Paris, abandoned the intention to take it on the move and preferred to conduct a siege according to all the rules of military art. The city was surrounded by several rows of fortifications, the number of besiegers increased to 235 thousand people. Pulled up heavy siege artillery. At the end of December 1870, a massive bombardment of defensive positions and residential areas of the French capital began, foreshadowing an imminent assault.

No matter how great the destruction and losses caused to Paris and its population by military operations, the life of the city in the winter of 1870-1871. primarily threatened by hunger and cold. In January 1871, only 300 grams of low-quality bread per day were given out per inhabitant. All the trees that adorned the Parisian boulevards were sawn for firewood. True, everything could be bought on the black market, but few had sufficient funds for this. The cessation of the supply of raw materials and the export of finished products paralyzed industry, and with it the entire business activity of the huge city. Industrialists and merchants lost their income, workers and employees - wages. Thousands of families were forced to exist on the modest remuneration that breadwinners received for their service in the National Guard - 1.5 francs a day. Tenants could not pay for housing, industrial and commercial enterprises - on previously taken loans. To prevent a wave of bankruptcies, the government temporarily banned the collection of fees for renting premises and debt obligations. But these measures could not stop the growth of social tension in the city, where, against the backdrop of malnutrition and impoverishment of the majority of the population, the satiety and well-being of the wealthy classes were especially striking.

воскресенье, 19 апреля 2020 г.

News 18/04/2020 (2389)

суббота, 18 апреля 2020 г.

Russian columns (15/04/2020)

воскресенье, 19 апреля 2020 г.

суббота, 18 апреля 2020 г.