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Shown, most likely, a surprise attack by the Egyptians on the anchored enemy fleet. The sails of the enemy ships have been removed, the rowers with oars are not visible. On the part of the Egyptians, archers act almost exclusively. Warriors of the peoples of the sea, with round shields, helmets crowned with horns or a crest of feathers, brandish swords and spears, but do not use any throwing weapons. Two Egyptian ships approached the enemy. An Egyptian warrior standing on the bow strikes the enemy with a spear at the stern of an enemy ship. An Egyptian on the prow of another ship is preparing to use his mace.

This sea battle was not much different from the battle on land. Naval tactics, if there was such a thing at all, could only be a surprise attack or an attempt to disperse the enemy's formation and destroy his ships one by one. The only specific naval weapon of that time was the grappling hook. The ram had not yet been invented, and naval battles were reduced to boarding battles.

In total, nine ships are shown on the relief (4 Egyptian and 5 enemy), so it is difficult to talk about the real balance of forces in this battle, and, moreover, about the size of the Egyptian navy. From documents of the XV-XIV centuries. BC e., found in Ugarit (the settlement of Ras Shamra in Syria), it is known that this relatively small, albeit rich, city-state could put up to 150 warships (there is no data, however, either about their size or the number of teams ). Egypt, even in a period of relative decline, could probably afford much more.

The type of sea vessel that prevailed in the Aegean world in the middle of the 2nd millennium BC. e., apparently was borrowed by the shipbuilders of the Levant and Egypt around 1400. A fresco from the tomb of Kenamun in Thebes represents merchant ships that came to Egypt, judging by their crew (black-bearded sailors with hooked noses), from Syria. They are in many ways reminiscent of Hatshepsut's ships (bow and stern protruding far above the water, straight fore and sternposts, beams passed through the skin). There is no longitudinal cable holding the stern and bow - the strength of the hull is achieved, obviously, due to the internal structure (frames, stringers). From the painting it is impossible to judge the size of these ships, however, documents discovered in Ras Shamra (Ugarit) from about the same time indicate that quite large ships were also being built - up to 450 tons of grain could be loaded on one such ship.

The energetic rulers of Egypt, such as Seti I (1290-1279) and Ramses II (1279-1212), as well as Necho (609-594 BC), built fleets on the Red and Mediterranean seas. About one of the successors of the last king, namely Apria (588-569 BC), it is said that he waged sea wars with the inhabitants of Tyre, achieved dominance at sea and imposed tribute on cities in Cyprus. The Egyptian fleet was not of particular importance in the history of military fleets, since it did not protect either the merchant fleet or maritime trade.

The Egyptians from ancient times knew how to build canals, dams, perhaps even locks on shipping channels. The "Instruction of the king to his son Merikara" (the latter lived in the 22nd century BC) already refers to some large hydraulic structures (canals or dams) in the Delta, which served as an obstacle for the Asians (the text of the "Instruction" itself was probably compiled during the Middle Kingdom).

Aristotle (Meteorology 1.15) wrote that the first to cut a canal through the Isthmus (Isthmus of Suez) was "Sesostiris". Pliny the Elder (6.33.165) also mentions Sezostiris as the first builder of a canal between the seas, and Strabo (XVII.1.25; and I.2.31) reports that this canal was built by him "before the Trojan War". Thus, the ancient authors attributed the beginning of the construction of the canal to the era of the XII dynasty, to the reign of one of the Senusrets (Flinders Petrie, however, believed that the ancient information about "Sesostiris" actually refers to Ramses II, i.e. to the time of the XVIII dynasty ).

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The famous reliefs of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri are also related to the canal question. The question boils down to the following: was it necessary, when sending goods to Punt by the Red Sea, to first carry them overland through the Eastern Desert and then only on the seashore to reload them onto ships? Indeed, on the reliefs, the same ships that are depicted sailing on the Red Sea are then shown standing on the Nile next to Thebes. There were two opposing views on this matter. According to one of them (Brested, Erman), some kind of waterway nevertheless connected the eastern arm of the Delta with the Red Sea already under Hatshepsut. Others (Posner, Gardner) believed that there was no canal before the Necho era (about 600 BC), and sea vessels at the pier in Thebes were a figment of the artist’s imagination, a symbolic image of a successfully completed expedition. The fact that neither the reliefs nor the inscriptions at Deir el-Bahri clearly indicate the transportation of goods by land to the Red Sea, they explained by the negligence of the artist, gaps and abbreviations in the description of the expedition route. True, the inscription says several times that the expedition advanced "by water and by land," but the final segment of the route could also pass by land. It is known that earlier expeditions to Punt reached this semi-legendary country by land. Campaigns to Punt were undertaken at the very beginning of the III millennium BC. e., and about 2600 BC. e. The Egyptians were already exporting gold from there. However, which country, or countries, the Egyptians of the Old Kingdom called Punt - the "Country of the Gods" - is not exactly known. At different times, they could call so any places on the coast of Arabia or East Africa. But wherever Queen Hatshepsut's Punt is located, the Deir el-Bahri inscription does nothing to explain the appearance of ships on the Nile.

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The presence of shipping channels in ancient Egypt in the era of the New Kingdom is attested by archeology. Traces of the canal built under Ramses II were discovered when a modern freshwater canal was dug. He passed the cities of Pi-Ramessu, Bubastis and Pithom, where granite stelae were erected with inscriptions praising the king and his bold hydrotechnical plan. Nothing, however, indicates that this canal connected the two seas.

Traces of another shipping channel have been discovered by Israeli geologists in the northeast corner of the Delta (east of Kantara). They suggested that this channel once ran to the Nile through Wadi Tumilat, although this has not yet been proven. Numerous New Kingdom settlements have been found along that section of the "Eastern Canal" that lies between Suez and Gaza, which makes it possible to date its construction no later than this time.

With the same channel, some researchers associate the relief of Seti I (1290-1279) in Karnak, where the king is represented crossing a fortified bridge thrown over a water area infested with crocodiles. In the inscription it is referred to as "separating waters" (ta denat). Perhaps this is the same "East Channel", or "Ways of Horus", as it is called in other texts.

In connection with the issue of the canal, one more expedition to Punt should be mentioned, which is described in the so-called "Papyrus Harris" - the testament of Ramses III (1185-1153): "the ships were loaded with Egyptian goods without number. tens of thousands were sent to the great sea - Mu-Ked. They reach the country of Punt. Ships and boats are loaded with products of the Land of God, all kinds of wonderful and mysterious things of their country, the numerous myrrh of Punta, loaded with tens of thousands, without her number. They reach unharmed , of the Koptos desert. They moor safely together with the property delivered by them. They load it for transportation by land on donkeys and people and load it onto ships on the river, on the banks of Koptos, and send it up the river in front of them. "

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It is difficult to understand from the context where the ships arrive - to the shore of the Red Sea, where the "Koptos desert" begins, or to the shore of the Nile at Koptos? On the one hand, the reloading of goods on people and donkeys, and then again on ships, seems to speak in favor of the fact that there was no canal between the Nile and the Red Sea at that time, which is why they had to be reloaded and transported by land. On the other hand, the words "then" and "again" are not in the text, and this passage can be understood in such a way that in Koptos goods were distributed and transported throughout Egypt (for which other ships, people and donkeys were needed), and only a part they were then delivered to the king. Papyrus Harris does not give a definitive answer to the question of the existence or absence of a canal between the seas at the end of the New Kingdom.

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More definite information about the navigable canal dates back to the reign of the Sais dynasty. Herodotus (II. 158) writes that Necho (609-594) began to build a canal from the Nile to the Red Sea, but did not finish it, and the construction was completed by the Persian king Darius I (521-486). Its length was equal to four days of travel, and two triremes could pass along it side by side. Water came into it from the Nile, it began a little higher than Bubastis. Then he went through Wadi Tumilat, then turned south, along the modern Suez Canal. This channel is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (I. 33. 8-14) and Strabo (XVII. 1. 25).

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Four stelae of Darius I, erected in honor of the completion of the canal, were found along its channel (near Tel el-Mashkuta, in the place where Wadi Tumilat reaches the Isthmus of Suez, in the region of Kabret and north of modern Suez). It is possible, of course, that Darius simply cleared the Necho Canal and attributed its construction to himself.

Finally, in the Hellenistic era, Ptolemy II (285-247) also dug a canal that connected the two seas. He is mentioned by Diodorus (I. 33. 11-12) and Strabo (XVII. 1. 25), he is mentioned in an inscription on a stele from Pythomas (16th year of the reign of Ptolemy). It began a little higher up the Nile than the former channel, in the area of Facussa. It is possible, however, that under Ptolemy the old canal was cleared, deepened and extended to the sea, supplying the lands of Wadi Tumilat with fresh water. Since that time, the canal has become a navigable route connecting both seas. Emperor Trajan (98-117) and Caliph Omar (634-641) deepened the canal and increased its navigability; but in 767 it was deliberately buried under Caliph Abu Jafar. The bitter lakes quickly dried up under the scorching rays of the sun and remained dry until the current canal was dug.

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