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вторник, 14 апреля 2020 г.

French columns (10/04/2020) 78561

Clemenceau returned to his homeland shortly before, in July 1870, Napoleon III declared a reckless war on Prussia. It led France to a national and social catastrophe - military defeat, occupation, loss of part of the territory, civil war. From the very beginning, Clemenceau is in the thick of political events. He is a witness to the revolution of September 4, which proclaimed France a republic. Soon he was appointed mayor of the 18th arrondissement of Paris, elected a deputy of the National Assembly. Driven by patriotic feelings, he votes against the predatory terms of the peace proposed by Prussia. At the same time, he does not hide his sympathy for the suffering of the working people. By a whim of fate, it was on the territory of his district, on the Montmartre hill, that the uprising on March 18, 1871 began, which led to the proclamation of the Paris Commune. Clemenceau seeks to prevent a civil war. He is trying to act as an intermediary between the warring parties. But he does not find understanding either among the rebels, who order his arrest, which he successfully escaped, or among the Versailles, who in turn bring him to trial for indulging the "mutiny". Depressed by his failure, and even more tragic events, Clemenceau resigns as mayor and deputy.

In subsequent years, he dreamed of nothing more than a return to big politics. Influenced by the experience of 1870-1871. he refines his political program. Its three main sections are: the defense of the republic from the restoration of the monarchy, the implementation of social reforms in the interests of the working people, the restoration of the military power of France in order to fight for the return of the territories occupied by Germany. In 1876, he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies from the same 18th arrondissement of Paris, where he became the head of the left group of radical socialists.

Thus began the parliamentary career of Clemenceau, which brought him fame as one of the main leaders of the opposition. He was not satisfied with the policy of the ruling cabinets, who did not even want to hear about any deep reforms in the political and social system. But he did not have the opportunity to form a government to his liking. To do this, he did not have sufficient support in parliament, where the radical socialists were a small minority. He had no choice but to criticize government policies and demand the replacement of conservative ministers. He soon earned a reputation as a "subverter of ministers."

Having achieved the resignation of a good dozen ministerial offices in a few years, Clemenceau himself, however, did not come one step closer to power. Even worse, his own political future was unexpectedly threatened. In the early 80s. part of his voters went to the socialists, who put forward an even more attractive program of measures in the interests of the working people. It is symbolic that in 1885 Clemenceau refused to represent the too demanding voters of Paris in Parliament, preferring to them the "dear provincials" from the Var department, in the south of the country. Finally, during the "Panama Scandal" in 1892, caused by the facts of corruption of deputies and government officials, compromising connections were revealed. All this cost him a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in the 1893 elections.

This failure was not only a personal defeat for Clemenceau, but also the collapse of the kind of political radicalism that he personified in the 70s and 80s - turned to the past, living in memories of the "great revolution", "Jacobin-acting". Was Clemenceau fully aware of that? In any case, he eloquently distanced himself from the Republican Party of Radicals and Radical Socialists, which was formed in 1901. He preferred to become an independent politician, relying only on loyal friends and on his moral authority.

For nine long years the voice of Clemenceau did not sound from the parliamentary platform. But this time was not lost to his political career. Free from burdensome duties, Clemenceau perfectly mastered such a powerful weapon of struggle as journalism. He edited the newspaper "Justis" - "Justice", took part in the publication of the newspaper "Oror" - "Zarya", founded the magazine "Blok", published articles in many other press organs. Soon he achieved such popularity, which he could not even dream of, remaining only a parliamentary orator. His name was on the lips of tens of thousands of people throughout France, his opinion was listened to in all sectors of society.

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Journalism brought Clemenceau close to prominent representatives of the creative intelligentsia - writers Alphonse Daudet, Edmond Goncourt, Anatole France, Octane Mirbeau, Emile Zola, Joseph Renan, sculptor Auguste Rodin, artist Claude Monet. Obviously, not without their influence, he himself sat down to literary work, writing several works of art. But, having soberly assessed their dignity, he stopped in time. Clemenceau was especially friendly with Monet, whose work he devoted a number of essays. He, in turn, captured the image of a friend in numerous portraits and sketches. Through friendly communication, Clemenceau to some extent made up for the lack of spiritual comfort that he felt in his personal life.

Clemenceau's return to parliament was facilitated by his active participation in the struggle of democratic forces for the revision of the verdict in the "Dreyfus case" (see the article "The Dreyfus case"). It was in the Oror newspaper that Zola published his famous "I accuse!" In 1902, Clemenceau was elected a member of the upper house of parliament - the Senate - from the department of Var. And here he joined the decisive supporters of the justification of Captain Dreyfus, the organization of rebuffing the clerical-monarchist and nationalist reaction, the adoption of a law on the separation of church and state.

When difficulties arose with the implementation of this law, Clemenceau was invited to the government for the first time, entrusting the responsible post of Minister of the Interior. It happened in 1906 - in the 65th year of his life and the 36th year of his political career. Clemenceau not only justified the trust placed in him, but also surpassed the expectations of his colleagues in some way. With the threat of mass strikes in the coal mining industry, he did not hesitate to use armed force against the workers. He finally parted with the romantic dreams of his “radical-socialist” youth and was ready to fight the enemies of the republic not only from the right, but also from the left. Since then, he has gained a reputation as a man of "strong hand", capable of quick and decisive action in an emergency.

A few months of Clemenceau's stay in the Ministry of the Interior convinced Parliament of the possibility of entrusting him with the formation of a government. Almost three years, from October 1906 to July

1909, his cabinet was in power - a record long term by the standards of France at that time! And this despite the many complex problems that he had to solve in the field of domestic and foreign policy. Any of them could have been fatal for the cabinet, if not for the firmness and determination shown by Clemenceau. With a sense of accomplishment, he resigned when a coalition of deputies offended by him, whose pride he really did not spare, managed to defeat the resolution of confidence in the government by an insignificant majority of votes.

Freed from the burden of power, Clemenceau did not at all relieve himself of responsibility for the fate of the country. The instinct of a highly experienced and wise politician told him that a big European war was imminent. From now on, all his thoughts were about France fully armed to meet the enemy and take revenge for the defeat in 1870-1871. He actively cooperates in the Senate Committee on Foreign Policy and the Army, appeals to public opinion. Since 1913, Clemenceau has been publishing the newspaper Om Libre - Free Man, in which he proves the inevitability of an imminent war with Germany, inspires the French with faith in a future victory and, regardless of faces, criticizes the government for being slow in implementing military programs.

The outbreak of the world war in 1914 only confirmed Clemenceau's fears. In the battle on the Marne, the French miraculously stopped the advance of the German troops. But, although France withstood the first blow of the enemy, a protracted "war of attrition" began, requiring the exertion of all forces. Under these conditions, the government did not find anything better than to ban the Clemenceau newspaper, which annoyed him with its criticism. When she began to come out under the new name "Om Anshene" - "The Man in Chains", the government brought down censorship persecution on her. The best way to make the French listen to every word of the disgraced senator could not be imagined.

пятница, 10 апреля 2020 г.

News update 09/04/2020 (76234)

La future impératrice est née en 1835 dans une famille qui appartenait à une très noble famille mandchoue. Son ascension au pouvoir a commencé en 1853 lorsqu'elle est devenue l'une des nombreuses épouses de l'empereur Xianfeng. Trois ans plus tard, elle était déjà l'une des principales figures de la cour, puisqu'elle a donné naissance au monarque sans enfant de l'héritier.

L'influence de Cixi sur l'empereur choyé et malade est devenue si grande que de nombreuses affaires d'État n'ont été décidées qu'à sa connaissance. Elle acceptait les rapports des officiels, signait des papiers et même - du jamais vu en Chine - exprimait son opinion lors de réceptions officielles. À la mort de Xianfeng en 1861, l'intrigante Cixi réussit à écarter ses rivales et à devenir la dirigeante de la Chine sous l'empereur enfant.

Le pouvoir sur un immense pays peuplé de plusieurs millions d'habitants semblait être une épreuve difficile pour une très jeune femme. Cependant, l'impératrice douairière intelligente et décisive, insidieuse et cruelle, intéressée et puissante pendant près d'un demi-siècle n'a pas voulu lâcher les rênes du pouvoir de ses mains. Les empereurs de la dynastie Qing se succédèrent sur le trône - son fils Tongzhi (1861-1865) et son neveu Guang-hsu (1875-1908), mais le pays savait qu'en fait c'était Cixi qui était la personne la plus influente de Pékin.

L'impératrice n'avait aucune idée capable de corriger le système étatique de la Chine, qui se détériorait sous ses yeux, et elle n'allait pas le faire. Cixi était convaincu que la civilisation chinoise était la plus haute réalisation du développement mondial et que l'Empire Qing n'avait aucune raison d'adopter les ordres de l'Occident barbare. C'est à l'époque Cixi que la richesse de la cour Qing impressionne le plus les étrangers. Ils ont décrit avec enthousiasme des milliers de robes de cérémonie de l'impératrice douairière de toutes les couleurs imaginables et impensables, des plats exquis de la cuisine chinoise, etc. Cixi était desservie par un millier et demi de servantes, de tailleurs, des centaines de bijoutiers et cordonniers, des dizaines de coiffeurs, etc. La magnificence des palais Qing était censée symboliser la supériorité de la civilisation chinoise sur l'européenne. La seule chose dont, selon l'impératrice, le pays a besoin pour la prospérité et la cour pour encore plus de splendeur, c'est la fidélité aux traditions, les règles strictes, le calme et le contrôle des fonctionnaires sur le peuple.

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Les années du règne de Cixi furent peut-être les plus turbulentes de l'histoire chinoise moderne. Elle est arrivée au pouvoir à une époque où le soi-disant "État céleste de Taiping" existait au centre même du pays. Pendant longtemps, les troupes gouvernementales n'ont pas pu y faire face. Les pauvres étaient attirés par des caractéristiques de la doctrine Tainin telles que le désir d'une répartition égalitaire des biens et des terres, des appels à combattre les Mandchous. Les Taiping ont tenté d'organiser la vie dans l'État sur la base d'une communauté militaire. Toutes les 25 familles constituaient un peloton qui avait un garde-manger public, où chacun était obligé de donner le surplus de nourriture et d'argent. Une discipline stricte était observée dans les troupes, il était interdit de boire du vin, de jouer, de fumer de l'opium. Fanatiquement fidèles à leur chef Hong Xiuquan, les guerriers Taining ont combattu avec succès les armées gouvernementales et ont même menacé la capitale de l'empire, Pékin. Cixi était bien conscient que l'existence même de «l'État céleste» constituait une menace sérieuse pour l'empire Qing. Les unités les plus prêtes au combat ont été lancées pour réprimer le mouvement Tai-Ping, les autorités n'ont pas dédaigné de soudoyer ses dirigeants, elles ont utilisé l'aide des pays occidentaux. En 1864, l'État de Taiping est vaincu, et la facilité avec laquelle quelques détachements d'Européens vainquent les rebelles, ainsi que les troupes gouvernementales lors de la seconde guerre « de l'opium » (1856-1858), impressionne Cixi. Après tout, les Mandchous et les Chinois possédaient, comme on le croyait en Orient, les principaux éléments du succès militaire - un esprit combatif élevé et des tactiques de guerre parfaites élaborées depuis des siècles.

Les cercles dirigeants de l'Empire Qing dans le dernier tiers du XIXème siècle. n'avait plus de raison de traiter le niveau de développement de la science et de la technologie européennes aussi calmement que l'empereur Qianlong le faisait en 1793. Ainsi, après avoir examiné les armes à feu, les instruments d'optique et autres réalisations de la civilisation occidentale que lui avait apportés la mission anglaise, Qianlong ordonna une note de réponse à George III. En particulier, il disait: "Les grands exploits de notre dynastie ont pénétré tous les pays du Céleste Empire, et les souverains de toutes les nations de la terre et des mers envoient leurs précieux cadeaux ... Je n'attache pas de valeur à l'étrange ou à la ruse faites des objets et n'avez pas besoin des produits de votre pays. Tremblez, obéissez et ne faites pas preuve de négligence », a conseillé Qianlong au roi de la « maîtresse des mers » de Grande-Bretagne. Les succès militaires des Européens sont devenus le facteur même qui a forcé les autorités Qing à abandonner partiellement leur isolement traditionnel et à se tourner vers le monde extérieur.

вторник, 14 апреля 2020 г.

French columns (10/04/2020) 78561

пятница, 10 апреля 2020 г.

News update 09/04/2020 (76234)

вторник, 14 апреля 2020 г.

пятница, 10 апреля 2020 г.