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среда, 15 апреля 2020 г.

English columns 15/04/2020

The dissatisfaction of the Parisians acquired a political coloring. Responsibility for shortcomings in the supply of food to the city, for all sorts of abuses, they placed - and not unreasonably - on the government. He was condemned primarily for a military policy that did not bring success. For the Parisians, despite the hardships of the siege, remained patriots - in that special, militant sense that the volunteers of 1792 put into this word. In their opinion, it would be a betrayal to lay down their arms before defeating the enemy. As soon as it became known about a new attempt by the government to enter into peace negotiations, an uprising broke out in Paris. On October 31, 1870, soldiers of the National Guard arrested and held the ministers hostage for several hours until they were rescued by troops loyal to the government.

Now the government was almost more concerned with appeasing restless Parisians than with national defence. The uprising of 31 October thwarted the plan for an armistice prepared by Adolphe Thiers. French troops unsuccessfully tried to break the blockade of Paris. By the beginning of 1871, the situation of the besieged capital looked hopeless. The government decided that it was impossible to delay further with the conclusion of peace. In order to neutralize the opposition, it banned the democratic clubs of Paris and several newspapers that especially annoyed it. On January 22, 1871, the Parisians responded to the repressions with a new attempt at an uprising. Only his defeat finally untied the hands of the government-

On January 28, an armistice was signed between France and united Germany (on January 18, 1871, in the Hall of Mirrors of the Palace of Versailles of the French kings, the Prussian king Wilhelm I was proclaimed the German emperor). Under its terms, the forts of Paris and the army's stockpiles of weapons were transferred to the Germans. On February 8, elections were scheduled for the National Assembly of France, which was supposed to approve the peace treaty.

The elections gave a decisive advantage to the representatives of the right-wing, conservative parties who advocated the early signing of peace - the monarchists and part of the Republicans who were in solidarity with them on this issue. Thiers was appointed head of the executive branch by the National Assembly. Already on February 26, he presented to the Deputies the preliminary peace conditions agreed with Bismarck. They provided for the cession of Alsace and part of Lorraine to Germany, as well as the payment of 5 billion francs indemnity. The National Assembly approved these conditions. The peace was finally signed in Frankfurt on May 10, 1871.

The indignation of the Parisians at the terms of the peace was all the greater because they suspected the National Assembly and the government of Thiers of striving for the restoration of the monarchy. At the time, many Democrats sought protection from reaction in the decentralization of power. Therefore, the slogan of granting the French capital self-government, which it had been deprived of since the time of the Empire, gained popularity. The National Guard, which even the Germans were afraid of, acted as the defender of the interests of Paris: at the conclusion of the truce, they did not insist on its disarmament. The National Guard was also the most organized political force in the capital. On February 24, the Republican Federation of the National Guard emerged, headed by the Central Committee. In fact, the leadership of the opposition movement was concentrated in it.

Despite the seriousness of disagreements with the government, no one in Paris thought about an armed uprising, much less prepared it. But the actions of the authorities added fuel to the fire. After the blockade was lifted, the payment of remuneration to the soldiers of the National Guard was stopped. In a city whose economy has not yet recovered from the consequences of the blockade, thousands of residents were left without a livelihood. When the National Assembly canceled the debt collection deferment, in a matter of days, 150,000 debt obligations were presented for payment! The pride of the inhabitants of the capital was hurt by the decision of the National Assembly to choose Versailles as its place of residence.

Playing on the nerves of the Parisians, the government itself pushed them to impulsive actions. At dawn on March 18, 1871, on his orders, the troops tried to capture the artillery of the National Guard, concentrated on the Montmartre hill. The soldiers were stopped by the inhabitants and retreated without a fight. But the unthinkable happened. Generals Lecomte and Thomas, who commanded government troops, were captured by the guards and shot on the same day.

This was enough for Thiers to order the evacuation of government offices to Versailles. Following them, many representatives of the wealthy and idle classes left the capital. The Central Committee of the National Guard remained the only authoritative force in Paris. He temporarily assumed power, at the same time scheduling elections for the Paris Commune for March 26 (as the city government of the French capital was traditionally called). In the remaining time, the mayors of the Parisian districts, other politicians of the republican persuasion tried to reconcile the Central Committee with the Versailles government, seeking the consent of the latter to hold elections. But unsuccessfully. The government made it clear that it considered the Parisian opposition to be criminals who rebelled against the legal order, with whom one could speak only in the language of cannons.

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Since government supporters boycotted the March 26 elections, only a minority of voters took part in the vote - 229,000 out of 485,000 on the lists. 86 people were elected to the Commune, but 20 soon resigned. Therefore, on 16 April by-elections were held. Among the members of the Commune there were famous people, such as the participants in the revolution of 1848, Louis-Charles Delescluze and Felix Pia, or the artist Gustave Courbet. The names of the majority did not say anything to the general public. By the way, only a few of them left a mark on the history of the labor movement at the end of the 19th century: Edouard Vaillant, Leo Frankel, Eugene Pottier. The members of the Commune were by profession officials, doctors, journalists, lawyers, workers. Politically, they belonged to the Proudhonists (supporters of the socialist Proudhon), the Neo-Jacobins and the Blanquists. At the same time, some of them were members of sections of the International Association of Workers

(I International). Political differences hampered the work of the Commune. Pretty soon, a "majority" and a "minority" were formed in it, the clashes of which more than once threatened the unity of the Communards.

The Commune declared its intention to carry out deep reforms, for which more than one generation of French democrats - republicans and socialists - fought. Their simple list is impressive: the replacement of the standing army with the armament of the people, the democratization of the state apparatus (including the election and turnover of officials), the fair organization of labor, the separation of church and state, the introduction of free, compulsory and secular education, etc. No matter how one evaluates the plans of the Commune - sometimes utopian - it is clear that their scale far exceeded the modest possibilities of the Parisian reformers. In many ways, therefore, they have not advanced in their implementation beyond declarations and the first modest steps. The activities of the Commune to meet the urgent socio-economic requirements of the population of the capital turned out to be more fruitful. Among the measures taken by her, the expediency of which is difficult to dispute, are the cancellation of arrears on rent, the gratuitous return to the owners of things pledged in a pawnshop in the amount of no more than 20 francs, the introduction of a three-year installment plan for commercial loans, etc. However, this was not without curiosities, which include an attempt to legally abolish night work in bakeries.

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Is it even possible to strictly judge the chaotic reform attempts undertaken by the Commune, if its main, all-consuming concern was war? In early April, clashes began between the federates, as the fighters of the armed detachments of the Commune called themselves, with the troops of Versailles. Until mid-May, they did not bring decisive success to either side. But the forces were obviously unequal. After failing to enlist the support of the province, the Communards could only rely on themselves. On the other hand, the Versailles government received assistance from the command of the German army with weapons, ammunition and soldiers from among the French prisoners of war released ahead of schedule.

Opponents seemed to be trying to outdo each other in cruelty and excesses. Having learned that the Versaillese were shooting the captured Communards, the Paris Commune adopted a decree on hostages, threatening reprisals against the innocent residents of the capital, who were only suspected of sympathizing with Versailles. Already after the fighting began on the streets of Paris and the days of the Commune were numbered, some of the hostages were shot, among them the Archbishop of Paris, many Dominican priests and monks. Such inhuman actions have no justification, as well as the unprecedented vandalism shown by the Communards during street fighting. They deliberately set fire to a number of buildings in the center of the capital, including the city hall, the Palace of Justice, the Tuileries Palace, the Ministry of Finance, and Thiers' house. Countless cultural and artistic treasures perished in the fire. Arsonists also attempted on the treasures of the Louvre. As for the Versaillese, these days they poured blood over the streets of Paris. The victims of their terror were tens of thousands of citizens who were killed in battle, shot by the verdict of a court-martial or without trial or investigation at all. Tens of thousands of others were sentenced to imprisonment, hard labor or exile.

"Bloody Week" May 21-28, 1871 not only completed the short history of the Paris Commune, but also summed it up. The stubbornness of politicians who did not want to compromise, and the self-conceit of the people's leaders who believed in their historical mission, cost France dearly. Human memory is extremely selective. For some, the Commune has forever remained a gloomy, tragic page in the history of France, for others - a bright celebration of the triumph of democracy and justice.

Georges Clemenceau (1841-1929) - one of the most influential political and statesmen of France of his time, nicknamed the "tiger" for the passion that he put into the fight.

All his life Clemenceau loved the Vendée, a department in the far west of France, where he was born on September 28, 1841, in the town of Muyeron-en-Pare. Here he spent his childhood and youth. This is where his family roots were. Great-grandfather Georges, who served as a doctor, did not miss the opportunity to make a career under Emperor Napoleon I. His father, also a doctor, was a staunch Republican and an opponent of both the monarchy of Louis Philippe and the empire of Napoleon III. His ideal was the Jacobin Republic, and his idol was Robespierre. Under the influence of his father, the son also became an admirer of the revolution and a supporter of the republic.

Clemenceau did not hesitate in choosing a profession. He continued the family tradition here as well. After graduating from the lyceum, he entered the medical school in Nantes, and in 1860 - at the medical faculty of the University of Paris - Sorbonne, from where he left five years later with a medical degree. But instead of taking up professional activities, in 1865 he went on a trip to the United States of America. Part of the reason for this was the trouble with the authorities that arose in his student years. For organizing an anti-government demonstration, Clemenceau was arrested and spent two and a half months behind bars.

But above all, he was guided by an interest in the democratic institutions of the North American Republic, whose authority in his eyes had only been raised by the recent abolition of slavery in the course of the North-South war. Clemenceau spent three years overseas, moving from place to place, earning his livelihood either by correspondence in Parisian newspapers, or by French lessons at a women's college, one of whose students, Mary Plummer, he eventually married.

Acquaintance with America turned out to be instructive for Clemenceau. Not that she disappointed him. But he realized that the republican form of government in itself does not guarantee either the purity of morals or true democracy, but only a condition for the constant struggle for democracy.

воскресенье, 13 октября 2019 г.

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After the conquest of Brucium, the Carthaginians should by all means (of which they had no shortage) try to take possession of Messana and make it impregnable in order to make it difficult for the Romans to cross into Sicily; however, they hesitated and limited themselves to half measures. Then they should at all costs prevent the crossing of the Roman army to this island; they had a means for this - a fleet - but, despite the experience that they experienced 20 years ago in the war with Pyrrhus, they neglected this too: the communication of the Romans with Sicily took place as freely as if it were connected to the mainland.

They did not bother to be interested in what was going on with their enemy both before the war and during the war while it lasted; therefore they knew nothing of such great and important events as the construction and equipping of new fleets in 260, 249 and 242; each time this came as a complete surprise to them and forced them to hasty and hasty countermeasures. In a tactical sense, the formulation of the information case was also completely unsatisfactory (except for Carthage in 249).

They failed to act decisively and consistently with their fleet, otherwise the damage inflicted on the Romans would have been much greater. True, they undermined Roman trade, ruined the coast in several places, but, for example, there was no question of blockade of Ostia; with the vast stretch of the coastline of Italy, they could cause incomparably greater harm to the Romans, which was especially convenient to do by occupying fortified points on the coast or on islands near the coast for a long time.

The biggest mistake was that the Carthaginians began to act energetically only when they were in immediate danger, and as soon as the enemy ceased to threaten them, they again lost all energy and were inactive. They did not use either the first three-year or the second seven-year break in the naval war to strengthen their fleet and more vigorously conduct the war; moreover, as soon as they ceased to fear an enemy attack from the sea, their own fleet immediately fell into complete decline; all these were unforgivable mistakes, for which the loss of the war should be considered a well-deserved and just retribution.

Vprochem, v takticheskom smysle i karfagenyane ne upuskali sluchaya deystvovat' nastupatel'no, chto ob"yasnyayetsya tem, chto u nikh, kak u starykh moryakov, nastupatel'naya taktika vsosalas' v plot' i krov'. Odnako v pervom zhe srazhenii u Mile oni proyavili tu zhe prestupnuyu bezzabotnost', vytekavshuyu iz prenebrezheniya k nepriyatelyu, kak i v oblasti strategii: s tridtsat'yu peredovymi korablyami, ne vystroiv ikh dazhe v boyevoy poryadok, karfagenskiy admiral dvinulsya pryamo protiv vchetvero sil'neyshego nepriyatelya, kotoryy pri pervoy zhe stychke zakhvatil vse eti korabli blagodarya abordazhnym mostkam i mnogochislennym legioneram. Sdelannaya vposledstvii popytka okruzhit' rimlyan i atakovat' ikh srazu so vsekh storon ne uvenchalas' uspekhom, tak kak rimlyane, izbegaya manevrirovaniya, vystroili svoi korabli po okruzhnosti. Gannibal schel togda srazheniye proigrannym i ostavil pole bitvy za rimlyanami; yesli by on etogo ne sdelal, Duiliy mog by okazat'sya v ochen' tyazhelom polozhenii, tak kak vo vremya dvizheniya vsem yego korablyam nevozmozhno bylo by derzhat'sya nosom v storonu nepriyatelya. Vprochem, storona, zakhvachennaya vrasplokh, chasto teryayet muzhestvo i prezhdevremenno priznayet sebya pobezhdennoy. Zamechatel'no, chto karfagenyane za vse vremya dolgoy voyny ne pridumali nikakogo sredstva protiv "voronov", chto sluzhit dokazatel'stvom polnogo otsutstviya tekhnicheskoy izobretatel'nosti i iskusstva; sami oni ne primenyali etogo prisposobleniya, po-vidimomu, potomu, chto na eto u nikh ne khvatalo muzhestva i doveriya k svoim soldatam. O neudovletvoritel'noy taktike pri Eknomose i o nepravil'noy taktike u Eguzy uzhe bylo skazano; zdes' my dobavim tol'ko neskol'ko slov po povodu taktiki, primenennoy karfagenyanami v 249 godu, kogda oni oderzhali yedinstvennuyu pobedu za vse vremya etoy dolgoy morskoy voyny. Adgerbal, kak i Kartolon, proyavili bol'shuyu ostorozhnost' i prisutstviye dukha, a pervyy, krome togo, i bol'shuyu energiyu; eto byli prekrasnyye morskiye vozhdi, kotoryye umeli derzhat' v rukakh boyevuyu silu i v takticheskom smysle deystvovali ochen' uspeshno. Odnako imena ikh uzhe ne upominayutsya v svyazi s dal'neyshimi sobytiyami: po vsey veroyatnosti, nagradoy im byla chernaya neblagodarnost', kak eto sluchalos' s pobedonosnymi vozhdyami i v Afinakh vo vremya gospodstva demagogov. Ksantipp, unichtozhivshiy armiyu Regula i spasshiy Karfagen, nesomnenno, po tem zhe prichinam dolzhen byl vernut'sya na rodinu.

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However, in the tactical sense, the Carthaginians did not miss the opportunity to act offensively, which is explained by the fact that they, like the old sailors, absorbed offensive tactics into their flesh and blood. However, in the very first battle at Miele, they showed the same criminal carelessness, resulting from disregard for the enemy, as in the field of strategy: with thirty advanced ships, without even lining them up in battle order, the Carthaginian admiral moved directly against four times the strongest enemy, who, with in the first skirmish he captured all these ships thanks to boarding bridges and numerous legionnaires. A subsequent attempt to surround the Romans and attack them from all sides at once was not successful, since the Romans, avoiding maneuvering, lined up their ships in a circle. Hannibal then considered the battle lost and left the battlefield for the Romans; if he had not done so, Duilius might have found himself in a very difficult position, since during the movement it would be impossible for all his ships to keep their bows towards the enemy. However, the side taken by surprise often loses courage and prematurely recognizes itself as defeated.

It is remarkable that the Carthaginians during the whole long war did not come up with any remedy against the "ravens", which serves as proof of the complete absence of technical ingenuity and art; they themselves did not use this device, apparently because they did not have the courage and confidence in their soldiers for this.

The unsatisfactory tactics under Eknomos and the wrong tactics under Aegusa have already been spoken of; here we will add only a few words about the tactics used by the Carthaginians in 249, when they won the only victory in this long naval war. Adgerbal, like Kartolon, showed great caution and presence of mind, and the first, in addition, showed great energy; they were excellent sea leaders who knew how to hold a fighting force in their hands and acted very successfully in a tactical sense. However, their names are no longer mentioned in connection with subsequent events: in all likelihood, black ingratitude was their reward, as happened with victorious leaders in Athens during the reign of demagogues. Xanthippus, who destroyed the army of Regulus and saved Carthage, undoubtedly, for the same reasons, had to return to his homeland.

It may seem incredible that such a state of affairs could develop in a large maritime state; however, modern times give a similar example, and, moreover, with a maritime power, which can in no way be reproached for a lack of militancy and which, on the contrary, is justly proud of a glorious military past. We are talking about England and her fleet. Having become after 1815 the mistress of all the seas, and proud of the successes achieved, she began to look with disdain at all other fleets and was not at all worried about the technical successes they had achieved and did not pay attention to those tactical and strategic changes that were created due to these successes; this led to the fact that at one time she stood behind other powers in all respects: France was ahead of her with paddle steamers, the United States was the first to use the screw, then France was the first to build a steam-powered linear screw ship (in the Crimean War). Fortunately for England, these facts gave her a strong impetus, but her inertia was so great that she followed the example of others only with extreme slowness (the first armored frigate, ram, artillery, cruisers appeared in France). Only two decades after all these "scarecrows" (scares) came into use, England set about improving and increasing its fleet.

She showed even greater backwardness in strategic and tactical respects; the first time large maneuvers were made in 1850, until then there was complete inactivity and complete uncertainty regarding the use of the fleet both in the war as a whole and in individual battles. Hence the conclusion about the need for constant hard work.

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It is necessary to say a few words about the second Punic War, since Mahan touches on it in the preface to his major work, The Influence of Sea Power on History. He says: "The victorious side could establish its dominance at sea." This cannot be stated so unconditionally - it is necessary at the same time to pay attention to the internal situation of Carthage and its inability to use its naval forces. The First Punic War and its consequences weakened Carthage: he suffered huge losses in people and money, and also paid 3,200 talents of indemnity; True, the rich trade and vast territory of Carthage provided sufficient income and the opportunity to supply his fleet with people indefinitely, but he did nothing of this and almost did not use his fleet.

The Second Punic War was not the war of Carthage, but the war of Hannibal and his brother, the sons of Hamilcar Barca. Hamilcar managed to stop the arose in 240-237. an extremely dangerous war against hired soldiers and save Carthage; nevertheless, his countrymen hated him because they feared him; he was the head of an anti-Roman military party and decided to create an army equal to the Roman one, with the aim of retaking Sicily. He recovered with his son-in-law Hasdrubal to Spain, where until then only trading posts had existed, conquered most of it, founded his own, almost independent state, which he gave an excellent organization, at the same time he created an excellent army. This army did not consist of mercenaries, but was recruited from local residents, who, through long service and strict education, were accustomed to military affairs and were completely devoted to their leader. But he didn't have a fleet.

When Hannibal in 219 BC. e., after the death of Hamilcar, was elected leader, he already had an army of over 100,000 people, but the Carthaginian fleet was in a miserable state and part did not even have rigging. Hannibal, a talented military leader, unlike his compatriots, was not a sailor and, apparently, like the Romans, even felt an aversion to the sea.

среда, 15 апреля 2020 г.

English columns 15/04/2020

воскресенье, 13 октября 2019 г.

Рабо́та может означать

среда, 15 апреля 2020 г.

воскресенье, 13 октября 2019 г.